df_m_writers_2_para_w_chatgpt: 51
This data as json
rowid | first_name | last_name | gender | career_sec | personal_sec | info | seed_first_name | seed_last_name | occupation | chatgpt_gen |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
51 | Pupi | Stamp | m | Blumenthal was born in Chicago, to Jewish parents, Claire (née Stone) and Hyman V. Blumenthal. He earned a BA in Sociology from Brandeis University in 1969, and began his career in Boston as a journalist who wrote for the Boston Phoenix and the Real Paper, Quad Monthly-issued publications. In 1983, Blumenthal became the chief national political correspondent for The New Republic, covering the 1984 Presidential campaign. Soon after, Blumenthal began working as a political reporter for The Washington Post before then returning to The New Republic. In 1993, Blumenthal became the chief Washington correspondent for The New Yorker before joining the Clinton Administration in the summer of 1997. In 1995, when Blumenthal was named the chief Washington correspondent for The New Yorker, the position was one of the most prestigious in American journalism. But Blumenthal's tenure in the position proved tumultuous, with several of his colleagues alleging that Blumenthal's journalism exhibited extreme bias in favor of then President Bill Clinton and First Lady Hillary Clinton, that Blumenthal was informally providing political and public relations advice to the Clintons while covering both of them, and that Blumenthal was engaged in disparaging and attacking The New Yorker colleagues whom he believed were writing too critically of the Clintons. The Washington Post's media critic Howard Kurtz wrote at the time: Not too long into the job, Blumenthal was replaced as The New Yorker's chief Washington correspondent by Michael Kelly, although Blumenthal was allowed to stay on as a part-time writer: "Kelly ordered Blumenthal to stay away from the magazine's downtown office," the Post's Kurtz wrote. Kelly himself explained to the newspaper: "I did not trust him. . I felt his relationship . . . with the president and first lady was such that I was not sure I wanted him around the office as I was working on stories. He was serving two masters, and I was not comfortable with that. . . . I had reason to believe that he wanted a job with the White House." Over time, Blumenthal was eased out of his job: "The New Yorker assignments dwindled," Kurtz wrote, and Blumenthal worked officially for the Clinton White House. Blumenthal served as assistant and senior advisor to Bill Clinton from August 1997 until January 2001. His roles included advising the President on communications and public policy as well as serving as a liaison between the White House and former colleagues in the Washington press corps. He later became a central figure in the grand jury investigation that ended in the impeachment of President Clinton. While working for Clinton, Blumenthal was known for this loyalty to the Clintons and his attacks on their adversaries, which is one reason Rahm Emanuel, the first chief of staff for President Barack Obama, barred Blumenthal from holding a position in the State Department during Hillary Clinton's tenure as Secretary of State. During his tenure working at the Clinton White House, Blumenthal was accused of serving as a "hatchet man" for the Clintons, often circulating rumors and false allegations about the Clinton's political adversaries: "Going back to the Bill Clinton impeachment crisis, Mr. Blumenthal, then the president's special adviser, spread false rumors that one of Kenneth Starr's prosecutors abused young boys at a Christian summer camp and that Monica Lewinsky was stalking the president," according to a November 2015 report by journalist Ken Silverstein appearing in The New York Observer. "In 1995, Mr. Blumenthal told reporters that Alma Powell, Colin Powell's wife, suffered from clinical depression and was thus unfit to be a first lady. At the time, there were rumors that Colin Powell would run in the Republican presidential primaries, a prospect that terrified the Clinton re-election campaign," The New York Observer further reported. During the investigations by independent counsel Kenneth Starr, Blumenthal was called to the grand jury to testify on matters related to what Clinton had told both Blumenthal and his senior staff in regard to Monica Lewinsky. The leadership of the Republican majority in the House of Representatives felt enough evidence existed in regard to the Paula Jones case and Lewinsky for impeachment proceedings to begin in December 1998. After the House Judiciary Committee and the United States House of Representatives impeached Clinton on December 19, the matter then passed to the United States Senate. Blumenthal was one of only four witnesses called to testify before the Senate. No live witnesses were called; the four were interviewed on videotape. His testimony addressed a major allegation that Clinton had pressured Betty Currie to falsely attest that it was Lewinsky who initially pursued Clinton, not vice versa. The Senate acquitted Clinton of perjury and obstruction of justice, and the impeachment proceedings ended. In 1997, Blumenthal filed a $30 million libel lawsuit against the Internet blogger Matt Drudge (and AOL, which had hired Drudge), stemming from a false claim Drudge had made of spousal abuse, attributed only to unnamed "top GOP sources". Drudge retracted the story not long after, saying he had been given bad information. In Blumenthal v. Drudge, 992 F. Supp. 44 (D.D.C. 1998), the court refused to dismiss Blumenthal's case for lack of personal jurisdiction. Drudge publicly apologized to the Blumenthals. Blumenthal dropped his lawsuit and eventually reached a settlement involving a nominal payment to Drudge over Blumenthal having missed a deposition. In his book The Clinton Wars, Blumenthal claimed that he was forced to settle because he could no longer financially afford the suit. The British-American journalist and author Christopher Hitchens, under subpoena, submitted an affidavit to the trial managers of the Republican Party during the impeachment of Bill Clinton, in which Hitchens swore under oath that then-friend Blumenthal had described Monica Lewinsky as a stalker. Hitchens' allegations directly contradicted Blumenthal's own sworn deposition during Clinton's impeachment trial that he never said any such thing, which resulted in a hostile exchange of words between the two men. Following the publication of The Clinton Wars, in which Blumenthal recounted the disagreement, Hitchens wrote several articles in which he once more accused Blumenthal of lying. After the Clinton presidency, Blumenthal's book, The Clinton Wars, was published in 2003. In her review for The New York Times, Janet Maslin wrote: "Beyond his intention to set the record straight on controversies that plagued the Clinton presidency, Mr. Blumenthal has a more personal agenda. Barely mentioning others close to the Clintons, and illustrating this memoir with smiling, convivial photographs of himself in their company ... Blumenthal sends a clear message to his administration colleagues: Mom liked me best." Maslin further wrote: "The Clinton Wars means to solidify Mr. Blumenthal's place in history. He wrote memos and speeches (included here for the reader to enjoy). He gave valued advice. He came up with the slogan One America, which, he helpfully points out, is 'an updating of E pluribus unum'. He introduced President Clinton to a promising British politician named Tony Blair. And he was often in the presence of greatness. 'I once sat with the president and Tony Blair as, in about 15 minutes, the two men easily thrashed out a prickly trade problem involving bananas and cashmere,' he reveals." Reviewing the book in The New York Review of Books, Joseph Lelyveld, the former executive editor of The New York Times, wrote that Blumenthal came across as more like a "courtier" than "the bright campaign reporter he once was ... When it comes to the Clintons, there is not a single line of comparable acuity or detachment in the whole of The Clinton Wars. What you get instead are passages that would have been regarded as above par but hardly fresh if they had appeared in a news magazine cover story ten years ago." Also in The New York Times, historian Robert Dallek wrote that Blumenthal's book was partly "an exercise in score settling" against his "tormentors." Moreover, Dalek wrote, "The book is also an exercise in something all too familiar to inside-the-White-House memoirs -- an exaggerated picture of the participant's importance. Comparing himself to the Antichrist in the eyes of the Christian right, Blumenthal "wondered which of my traits had invited this invective." Holding center stage, as his massive volume attests, might be one answer." Overall though, Dalek praised the book, opining that "Blumenthal's sprawling 800-page memoir of his four years as a presidential assistant" was a "welcome addition to the literature on Bill Clinton's tumultuous second term." Dalkek also wrote that "Blumenthal brings a reporter's keen eye for telling detail and a columnist's talent for considered analysis and unmistakable opinion to his reconstruction of what he calls the Clinton wars." Andrew Sullivan has characterized Blumenthal as "the most pro-Clinton writer on the planet." For Salon, Dwight Garner wrote that Blumenthal's pieces as Washington correspondent of The New Yorker "were so unabashedly pro-Clinton that they quickly became the butt of countless jokes." In addition to The Clinton Wars (2003), Blumenthal's other books include The Permanent Campaign (1980), The Rise of the Counter-Establishment (1986), Pledging Allegiance: The Last Campaign of the Cold War (1990), and How Bush Rules: Chronicles of a Radical Regime (2006), a collection of previously published essays and articles on the presidency of George W. Bush. During the 2004 presidential election, Blumenthal was the Washington, D.C., bureau chief for Salon. He also was a regular columnist for The Guardian from August 2003 until November 2007. Blumenthal was a political consultant for the Emmy-award-winning HBO series Tanner '88, written by Garry Trudeau and directed by Robert Altman; he appeared as himself in one episode. He was also an executive producer of the documentary Taxi to the Dark Side, directed by Alex Gibney, which won an Academy Award for Best Documentary of 2007. He also was an associage producer of the 2002 film Max. | Blumenthal lives in Washington, D.C. with his wife, Jacqueline (née Jordan). The couple married in 1976. The Blumenthals have two sons, activist and journalist Max Blumenthal and Huffington Post political writer Paul Blumenthal. | Stamp was born in Chicago, to Jewish parents, Claire (née Stone) and Hyman V. Stamp. He earned a BA in Sociology from Brandeis University in 1969, and began his career in Boston as a journalist who wrote for the Boston Phoenix and the Real Paper, Quad Monthly-issued publications. In 1983, Stamp became the chief national political correspondent for The New Republic, covering the 1984 Presidential campaign. Soon after, Stamp began working as a political reporter for The Washington Post before then returning to The New Republic. In 1993, Stamp became the chief Washington correspondent for The New Yorker before joining the Clinton Administration in the summer of 1997. In 1995, when Stamp was named the chief Washington correspondent for The New Yorker, the position was one of the most prestigious in American journalism. But Stamp's tenure in the position proved tumultuous, with several of his colleagues alleging that Stamp's journalism exhibited extreme bias in favor of then President Bill Clinton and First Lady Hillary Clinton, that Stamp was informally providing political and public relations advice to the Clintons while covering both of them, and that Stamp was engaged in disparaging and attacking The New Yorker colleagues whom he believed were writing too critically of the Clintons. The Washington Post's media critic Howard Kurtz wrote at the time: Not too long into the job, Stamp was replaced as The New Yorker's chief Washington correspondent by Michael Kelly, although Stamp was allowed to stay on as a part-time writer: "Kelly ordered Stamp to stay away from the magazine's downtown office," the Post's Kurtz wrote. Kelly himself explained to the newspaper: "I did not trust him. . I felt his relationship . . . with the president and first lady was such that I was not sure I wanted him around the office as I was working on stories. He was serving two masters, and I was not comfortable with that. . . . I had reason to believe that he wanted a job with the White House." Over time, Stamp was eased out of his job: "The New Yorker assignments dwindled," Kurtz wrote, and Stamp worked officially for the Clinton White House. Stamp served as assistant and senior advisor to Bill Clinton from August 1997 until January 2001. His roles included advising the President on communications and public policy as well as serving as a liaison between the White House and former colleagues in the Washington press corps. He later became a central figure in the grand jury investigation that ended in the impeachment of President Clinton. While working for Clinton, Stamp was known for this loyalty to the Clintons and his attacks on their adversaries, which is one reason Rahm Emanuel, the first chief of staff for President Barack Obama, barred Stamp from holding a position in the State Department during Hillary Clinton's tenure as Secretary of State. During his tenure working at the Clinton White House, Stamp was accused of serving as a "hatchet man" for the Clintons, often circulating rumors and false allegations about the Clinton's political adversaries: "Going back to the Bill Clinton impeachment crisis, Mr. Stamp, then the president's special adviser, spread false rumors that one of Kenneth Starr's prosecutors abused young boys at a Christian summer camp and that Monica Lewinsky was stalking the president," according to a November 2015 report by journalist Ken Silverstein appearing in The New York Observer. "In 1995, Mr. Stamp told reporters that Alma Powell, Colin Powell's wife, suffered from clinical depression and was thus unfit to be a first lady. At the time, there were rumors that Colin Powell would run in the Republican presidential primaries, a prospect that terrified the Clinton re-election campaign," The New York Observer further reported. During the investigations by independent counsel Kenneth Starr, Stamp was called to the grand jury to testify on matters related to what Clinton had told both Stamp and his senior staff in regard to Monica Lewinsky. The leadership of the Republican majority in the House of Representatives felt enough evidence existed in regard to the Paula Jones case and Lewinsky for impeachment proceedings to begin in December 1998. After the House Judiciary Committee and the United States House of Representatives impeached Clinton on December 19, the matter then passed to the United States Senate. Stamp was one of only four witnesses called to testify before the Senate. No live witnesses were called; the four were interviewed on videotape. His testimony addressed a major allegation that Clinton had pressured Betty Currie to falsely attest that it was Lewinsky who initially pursued Clinton, not vice versa. The Senate acquitted Clinton of perjury and obstruction of justice, and the impeachment proceedings ended. In 1997, Stamp filed a $30 million libel lawsuit against the Internet blogger Matt Drudge (and AOL, which had hired Drudge), stemming from a false claim Drudge had made of spousal abuse, attributed only to unnamed "top GOP sources". Drudge retracted the story not long after, saying he had been given bad information. In Stamp v. Drudge, 992 F. Supp. 44 (D.D.C. 1998), the court refused to dismiss Stamp's case for lack of personal jurisdiction. Drudge publicly apologized to the Stamps. Stamp dropped his lawsuit and eventually reached a settlement involving a nominal payment to Drudge over Stamp having missed a deposition. In his book The Clinton Wars, Stamp claimed that he was forced to settle because he could no longer financially afford the suit. The British-American journalist and author Christopher Hitchens, under subpoena, submitted an affidavit to the trial managers of the Republican Party during the impeachment of Bill Clinton, in which Hitchens swore under oath that then-friend Stamp had described Monica Lewinsky as a stalker. Hitchens' allegations directly contradicted Stamp's own sworn deposition during Clinton's impeachment trial that he never said any such thing, which resulted in a hostile exchange of words between the two men. Following the publication of The Clinton Wars, in which Stamp recounted the disagreement, Hitchens wrote several articles in which he once more accused Stamp of lying. After the Clinton presidency, Stamp's book, The Clinton Wars, was published in 2003. In her review for The New York Times, Janet Maslin wrote: "Beyond his intention to set the record straight on controversies that plagued the Clinton presidency, Mr. Stamp has a more personal agenda. Barely mentioning others close to the Clintons, and illustrating this memoir with smiling, convivial photographs of himself in their company ... Stamp sends a clear message to his administration colleagues: Mom liked me best." Maslin further wrote: "The Clinton Wars means to solidify Mr. Stamp's place in history. He wrote memos and speeches (included here for the reader to enjoy). He gave valued advice. He came up with the slogan One America, which, he helpfully points out, is 'an updating of E pluribus unum'. He introduced President Clinton to a promising British politician named Tony Blair. And he was often in the presence of greatness. 'I once sat with the president and Tony Blair as, in about 15 minutes, the two men easily thrashed out a prickly trade problem involving bananas and cashmere,' he reveals." Reviewing the book in The New York Review of Books, Joseph Lelyveld, the former executive editor of The New York Times, wrote that Stamp came across as more like a "courtier" than "the bright campaign reporter he once was ... When it comes to the Clintons, there is not a single line of comparable acuity or detachment in the whole of The Clinton Wars. What you get instead are passages that would have been regarded as above par but hardly fresh if they had appeared in a news magazine cover story ten years ago." Also in The New York Times, historian Robert Dallek wrote that Stamp's book was partly "an exercise in score settling" against his "tormentors." Moreover, Dalek wrote, "The book is also an exercise in something all too familiar to inside-the-White-House memoirs -- an exaggerated picture of the participant's importance. Comparing himself to the Antichrist in the eyes of the Christian right, Stamp "wondered which of my traits had invited this invective." Holding center stage, as his massive volume attests, might be one answer." Overall though, Dalek praised the book, opining that "Stamp's sprawling 800-page memoir of his four years as a presidential assistant" was a "welcome addition to the literature on Bill Clinton's tumultuous second term." Dalkek also wrote that "Stamp brings a reporter's keen eye for telling detail and a columnist's talent for considered analysis and unmistakable opinion to his reconstruction of what he calls the Clinton wars." Andrew Sullivan has characterized Stamp as "the most pro-Clinton writer on the planet." For Salon, Dwight Garner wrote that Stamp's pieces as Washington correspondent of The New Yorker "were so unabashedly pro-Clinton that they quickly became the butt of countless jokes." In addition to The Clinton Wars (2003), Stamp's other books include The Permanent Campaign (1980), The Rise of the Counter-Establishment (1986), Pledging Allegiance: The Last Campaign of the Cold War (1990), and How Bush Rules: Chronicles of a Radical Regime (2006), a collection of previously published essays and articles on the presidency of George W. Bush. During the 2004 presidential election, Stamp was the Washington, D.C., bureau chief for Salon. He also was a regular columnist for The Guardian from August 2003 until November 2007. Stamp was a political consultant for the Emmy-award-winning HBO series Tanner '88, written by Garry Trudeau and directed by Robert Altman; he appeared as himself in one episode. He was also an executive producer of the documentary Taxi to the Dark Side, directed by Alex Gibney, which won an Academy Award for Best Documentary of 2007. He also was an associage producer of the 2002 film Max.Stamp lives in Washington, D.C. with his wife, Jacqueline (née Jordan). The couple married in 1976. The Stamps have two sons, activist and journalist Max Stamp and Huffington Post political writer Paul Stamp. | Sidney | Blumenthal | writers | To Whom It May Concern,<return><return>It is with great pleasure that I write this recommendation letter for Pupi Stamp. As a highly respected writer myself, I have come to know Mr. Stamp over the years and appreciate his impressive career accomplishments.<return><return>From his early days as a journalist for the Boston Phoenix and the Real Paper, Mr. Stamp quickly made a name for himself as an astute political commentator and reporter. He went on to become the chief national political correspondent for The New Republic in the 1980s, covering important events such as the 1984 Presidential campaign.<return><return>Mr. Stamp's tenure as chief Washington correspondent for The New Yorker in the mid-1990s may have been tumultuous, but it is a testament to his skill as a journalist that he was able to continue writing for the publication, even as he worked for the Clinton White House. His experience in government and his ability to navigate complex political situations has no doubt informed his writing ever since. One only needs to look to his book The Clinton Wars to understand his keen insights into American politics.<return><return>Aside from his writing, Mr. Stamp has also made significant contributions as a political consultant and executive producer. His involvement in both the Emmy-award-winning HBO series Tanner '88 and the Academy Award-winning documentary Taxi to the Dark Side are examples of his diverse talents.<return><return>Overall, I have great respect for Mr. Stamp's work and believe that he would be an asset to any organization that values rigorous and insightful commentary on politics and government. I highly recommend him for any position where his unique perspective and extensive experience would be an asset.<return><return>Sincerely,<return><return>[Your Name] |